US Vice President J.D. Vance's speech at this year's Munich Security Conference made it clear that the long postwar era of Atlanticism is over, and that Europeans now must take their sovereignty into their own hands. With ample resources to do so, all that is required is the collective political will.
BERLIN – This month, Europeans came to understand that their closest ally, the United States, is no longer interested in the kind of trustful cooperation that has defined the transatlantic relationship for eight decades. By disrespecting allies, attempting to strong-arm Ukraine, and meddling in European domestic affairs, the US has transformed itself from Europe’s most important partner and Ukraine’s most ardent supporter into something resembling an adversary.
To be sure, as US President Donald Trump begins negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin over Ukraine’s fate, no one (not even the Americans) really knows what strategy the US is pursuing. But last weekend’s Munich Security Conference made it clear that Europe can no longer ignore America’s longstanding grievance over the distribution of defense spending within NATO. Nor is spending the only issue. As the US shifts its focus to Asia (and to itself), there is a large political and military leadership role for Europe to fill.
The scale of the US strategic shift is apparent in its approach to Ukraine. Trump has positioned the US as a mediator between the aggressor Russia, and the victim, Ukraine. Previously a strong supporter of Ukraine, the US is now bullying the beleaguered country into negotiations while extorting it to give up control of its critical minerals. While the Biden administration worked as closely as possible with European allies to coordinate support for Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, and preparations for Ukraine’s reconstruction, the Trump administration sees no role for Europeans in the negotiations.
Europeans learned plenty about the new administration’s geopolitical stance from US Vice President J.D. Vance’s speech in Munich, where he cynically voiced support for Germany’s pro-Russian far right just a week before federal elections. If this political interference proves successful, the US will have weakened not only Germany but the entire European Union.
After suffering a brief deer-in-the-headlights moment, European leaders have started moving to preserve stability and sovereignty on the continent. The informal emergency meeting in Paris on February 17 was an important first step in a longer process that now must accelerate. Incidentally, the Paris meeting took place just a week after the city hosted the AI Action Summit, which gave Europeans an opportunity to discuss technological competitiveness and attract new investment. As different as the two meetings were in content and structure, both speak to the same challenge: Europe must take its sovereignty into its own hands.
While Ukraine represents the most immediate challenge, securing European sovereignty will be a much larger and longer-term project. Europeans must systematically rethink their approach to security. If Ukraine and Russia do reach a deal, it will fall largely on Europeans to ensure that it holds, since the US wants to reduce its commitments and is no longer a reliable partner. In this scenario, Europeans would need to strike a balance between enforcing the peace in Ukraine and preserving the capacity to defend other territories bordering Russia – such as in Scandinavia or the Baltics.
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In the longer run, Europeans will be much better off if Ukraine becomes an essential yet controllable part of European defense. With its battle-hardened army, innovative defense sector, and remarkably resilient and creative population, Ukraine could be a significant source of strength for Europe if it can be stabilized and integrated.
Willing and able Europeans must not delay in deepening security and defense cooperation on the continent. That means developing a new continental security concept to allow burden shifting within NATO, which will remain the best framework for collective defense even if the US steps back or leaves the alliance.
The countries represented at the emergency meeting in Paris and at a second meeting two days later can serve as the core to move things along. France, Poland, Germany, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, and the Baltic states (which face the most direct threat) all seem ready. So, too, does the United Kingdom, which should be considered an integral part of the group, given its strong support for Ukraine, key role within NATO, and status as a nuclear power.
Yet as crucial as NATO will be, the EU also must step up its own efforts to defend its borders and preserve liberal democracy at home. Though the EU will not transform into a Defense Union or create a European army, it can do more to provide critical public goods. Promoting energy security and domestic innovation will be essential in the years ahead. Shared strategies, with joint funding, can position Europeans as much stronger players in these highly contested sectors.
Europeans need to rebuild their muscles, not only because old alliances are crumbling, but also because the geopolitical landscape is shifting. The situation in the US should push Europeans to strengthen relations with other important partners such as Japan, South Korea, and Australia, and to be more confident in managing their own relations with China.
Munich made clear that the long era of postwar Atlanticism is over. A powerful reversal is underway, and it would be wishful thinking to hope that the damage done by the Trump administration can simply be repaired in the future. Europe must build on its strengths and assume responsibility for its own security within NATO.
The EU, the UK, and Norway have more than 500 million people and collective purchasing power greater than that of the US. And despite domestic political tensions, they have the institutional stability that navigating this moment of crisis requires. Europe has the resources to catapult itself forward in technology, the digital economy, defense, and other critical sectors, and Munich showed that it must waste no time in doing so.
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BERLIN – This month, Europeans came to understand that their closest ally, the United States, is no longer interested in the kind of trustful cooperation that has defined the transatlantic relationship for eight decades. By disrespecting allies, attempting to strong-arm Ukraine, and meddling in European domestic affairs, the US has transformed itself from Europe’s most important partner and Ukraine’s most ardent supporter into something resembling an adversary.
To be sure, as US President Donald Trump begins negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin over Ukraine’s fate, no one (not even the Americans) really knows what strategy the US is pursuing. But last weekend’s Munich Security Conference made it clear that Europe can no longer ignore America’s longstanding grievance over the distribution of defense spending within NATO. Nor is spending the only issue. As the US shifts its focus to Asia (and to itself), there is a large political and military leadership role for Europe to fill.
The scale of the US strategic shift is apparent in its approach to Ukraine. Trump has positioned the US as a mediator between the aggressor Russia, and the victim, Ukraine. Previously a strong supporter of Ukraine, the US is now bullying the beleaguered country into negotiations while extorting it to give up control of its critical minerals. While the Biden administration worked as closely as possible with European allies to coordinate support for Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, and preparations for Ukraine’s reconstruction, the Trump administration sees no role for Europeans in the negotiations.
Europeans learned plenty about the new administration’s geopolitical stance from US Vice President J.D. Vance’s speech in Munich, where he cynically voiced support for Germany’s pro-Russian far right just a week before federal elections. If this political interference proves successful, the US will have weakened not only Germany but the entire European Union.
After suffering a brief deer-in-the-headlights moment, European leaders have started moving to preserve stability and sovereignty on the continent. The informal emergency meeting in Paris on February 17 was an important first step in a longer process that now must accelerate. Incidentally, the Paris meeting took place just a week after the city hosted the AI Action Summit, which gave Europeans an opportunity to discuss technological competitiveness and attract new investment. As different as the two meetings were in content and structure, both speak to the same challenge: Europe must take its sovereignty into its own hands.
While Ukraine represents the most immediate challenge, securing European sovereignty will be a much larger and longer-term project. Europeans must systematically rethink their approach to security. If Ukraine and Russia do reach a deal, it will fall largely on Europeans to ensure that it holds, since the US wants to reduce its commitments and is no longer a reliable partner. In this scenario, Europeans would need to strike a balance between enforcing the peace in Ukraine and preserving the capacity to defend other territories bordering Russia – such as in Scandinavia or the Baltics.
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Access every new PS commentary, our entire On Point suite of subscriber-exclusive content – including Longer Reads, Insider Interviews, Big Picture/Big Question, and Say More – and the full PS archive.
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In the longer run, Europeans will be much better off if Ukraine becomes an essential yet controllable part of European defense. With its battle-hardened army, innovative defense sector, and remarkably resilient and creative population, Ukraine could be a significant source of strength for Europe if it can be stabilized and integrated.
Willing and able Europeans must not delay in deepening security and defense cooperation on the continent. That means developing a new continental security concept to allow burden shifting within NATO, which will remain the best framework for collective defense even if the US steps back or leaves the alliance.
The countries represented at the emergency meeting in Paris and at a second meeting two days later can serve as the core to move things along. France, Poland, Germany, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, and the Baltic states (which face the most direct threat) all seem ready. So, too, does the United Kingdom, which should be considered an integral part of the group, given its strong support for Ukraine, key role within NATO, and status as a nuclear power.
Yet as crucial as NATO will be, the EU also must step up its own efforts to defend its borders and preserve liberal democracy at home. Though the EU will not transform into a Defense Union or create a European army, it can do more to provide critical public goods. Promoting energy security and domestic innovation will be essential in the years ahead. Shared strategies, with joint funding, can position Europeans as much stronger players in these highly contested sectors.
Europeans need to rebuild their muscles, not only because old alliances are crumbling, but also because the geopolitical landscape is shifting. The situation in the US should push Europeans to strengthen relations with other important partners such as Japan, South Korea, and Australia, and to be more confident in managing their own relations with China.
Munich made clear that the long era of postwar Atlanticism is over. A powerful reversal is underway, and it would be wishful thinking to hope that the damage done by the Trump administration can simply be repaired in the future. Europe must build on its strengths and assume responsibility for its own security within NATO.
The EU, the UK, and Norway have more than 500 million people and collective purchasing power greater than that of the US. And despite domestic political tensions, they have the institutional stability that navigating this moment of crisis requires. Europe has the resources to catapult itself forward in technology, the digital economy, defense, and other critical sectors, and Munich showed that it must waste no time in doing so.