The prevailing narrative that frames Israel as a colonial power suppressing Palestinians’ struggle for statehood grossly oversimplifies a complicated conflict and inadvertently vindicates the region’s most oppressive regimes. Achieving a durable, lasting peace requires moving beyond such facile analogies.
rejects the facile moralism of those who view the ongoing war through the narrow lens of decolonization.
The far-right populist Geert Wilders’ election victory in the Netherlands reflects the same sentiment that powered Brexit and Donald Trump’s candidacy in 2016. But such outcomes could not happen without the cynicism displayed over the past few decades by traditional conservative parties.
shows what Geert Wilders has in common with other ultra-nationalist politicians, past and present.
特拉维夫—埃尔多安当选史无前例的第三个总统任期对土耳其外交政策意味着什么?不多。事实上,即使反对派获胜,该国的外交政策也只会在风格上发生变化,实质不会改变。对土耳其来说,在作为北约成员国的义务与对俄和对华的工作关系之间取得务实的平衡是不可避免的文化和战略要务。
埃尔多安可能是一个脾气暴戾的 伊斯兰独裁者 ,但在土耳其在世界上的角色这个问题上,他除了务实别无选择。 长期以来,他通过时不时攻击西方来迎合沮丧的选民,吹捧“欧亚主义”这一在土耳其传统上属于极左翼的口号。 此外,在全球调整时期, 埃尔多安认定寻求与 西方的对手搞好关系、两边下注更符合土耳其的利益。
但埃尔多安——他在担任总统之初就为达到加入欧盟的标准而采取了重大措施 ——知道,不疏远美国或欧洲也符合他的国家的利益。离开北约,脱离欧洲,加入以俄罗斯和中国为首的“反帝国主义”阵营从来都不是后奥斯曼土耳其的选择。
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