The United States is far from being an autocracy, but Donald Trump is already being treated by some people as a fearsome monarch. Instead of self-censoring or becoming even more ideological, American liberals in the media and higher education would do well to respond to his authoritarian ambitions by recommitting to the pursuit of truth.
NEW YORK – Distinguished history professors have claimed that US President-elect Donald Trump has the makings of a fascist dictator. Trump himself has indicated that he has no interest in safeguarding the institutions upon which a liberal democracy depends, such as a free press, an independent judiciary, and a nonpartisan bureaucracy.
Whether American democracy will withstand Trump’s efforts to chip away at its foundations hinges on how much people are prepared to defend them. When South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol, frustrated by opposition lawmakers blocking his agenda, abruptly declared martial law on December 3, protests immediately erupted in the streets and the National Assembly. In the face of overwhelming resistance, including from members of his own party, Yoon backed down. One can only hope that a similar move by Trump would elicit the same response.
The United States is still far from being an autocracy. But Trump is already being treated by some people as a fearsome monarch rather than an elected president. Amazon founder and Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos is one of the most powerful men in the country, if not the world. But he stopped his newspaper’s editors from endorsing Kamala Harris for president. TV host Joe Scarborough, after excoriating Trump as a fascist for years on his MSNBC program, rushed to Florida to grovel to the president-elect soon after his victory.
Within the Republican Party, warnings about Trump’s menace have given way to opportunism. Senator Marco Rubio, who once called Trump a “conman,” is his pick for Secretary of State, while J.D. Vance, who privately compared Trump to Adolf Hitler, will be his vice president. Such behavior is not surprising. Ambition can easily overcome political and moral scruples. Much depends on whether enough Republicans take a more principled stand.
Another way to respond to a corrupt and vengeful president is to indulge in what some people living in Nazi Germany called “internal emigration”: keeping one’s head down in the hope of staying out of trouble. Trump’s election has left many Americans feeling exhausted and disillusioned. Compared to 2016, there appears to be less appetite for opposition. Many people I know no longer want to read or listen to the news.
Retreating from the public square to one’s private garden might be tempting, but America’s still-vibrant civil society would suffer as a result. As a journalist formerly based in Russia pointed out in the New York Times, Russians under President Vladimir Putin, like Germans under the Third Reich, quickly realized that they might choose to turn away from politics, but politics would not turn away from them.
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It would be a grave mistake for Americans to behave as though they already live in an autocracy. Dissidents in real autocracies have often done the opposite. Václav Havel, the playwright and political dissident who later became president, risked everything to resist Czechoslovakia’s communist regime and was imprisoned multiple times. He and other dissidents insisted that they should behave like free people, even in an unfree society. Havel called this “living in truth,” a refusal to submit to the dictatorship’s lies.
Trump is particularly hostile to the press (“enemies of the people”) and liberal colleges and universities precisely because of their capacity to expose his chronic and often toxic mendacity. He has threatened to shut down unsympathetic broadcasters, jail critical journalists, and fine universities that he considers “woke.” Given the term’s vagueness, almost any educational institution could become a target.
The reactions within American universities and newsrooms are hard to predict. Fear of reprisal might prompt professors, editors, journalists, and university administrators to censor themselves, rather than insisting on “living in truth.” On the other hand, some opponents of Trump in universities and other elite cultural institutions might, out of sheer frustration and rage, double down on everything that he and his supporters hate, becoming even more ideological in terms of race, sexuality, and gender.
Both of these reactions will play into Trump’s hands. Self-censorship and fear of public outcry will mean less pushback against his lies. And ideological zealotry will reinforce the idea among right-wing populists that they are correct to engage in a culture war – one which they are bound to win in the current political climate. After all, there are more conservatives than left-wing radicals in the US, and identity politics is not popular outside big cities and college towns.
The best way for liberals in the media and higher education to respond to the threat of authoritarian politics is to stop all ideological posturing and concentrate on the pursuit of truth through open debate, academic freedom, and honest, unbiased reporting. This is what intellectuals should be doing anyway.
The worst thing about Trump, and other populists drawn to authoritarian rule, is not their lies. All politicians lie to some extent. More dangerous is the notion that truth doesn’t matter. If we accept that every claim to the truth is arbitrary and partisan – a view bolstered by the rise of the internet and social media – it becomes easier for an authoritarian leader to impose his version of the truth on us. And that way democracy will surely wither.
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Recent developments that look like triumphs of religious fundamentalism represent not a return of religion in politics, but simply the return of the political as such. If they look foreign to Western eyes, that is because the West no longer stands for anything Westerners are willing to fight and die for.
thinks the prosperous West no longer understands what genuine political struggle looks like.
Readers seeking a self-critical analysis of the former German chancellor’s 16-year tenure will be disappointed by her long-awaited memoir, as she offers neither a mea culpa nor even an acknowledgment of her missteps. Still, the book provides a rare glimpse into the mind of a remarkable politician.
highlights how and why the former German chancellor’s legacy has soured in the three years since she left power.
NEW YORK – Distinguished history professors have claimed that US President-elect Donald Trump has the makings of a fascist dictator. Trump himself has indicated that he has no interest in safeguarding the institutions upon which a liberal democracy depends, such as a free press, an independent judiciary, and a nonpartisan bureaucracy.
Whether American democracy will withstand Trump’s efforts to chip away at its foundations hinges on how much people are prepared to defend them. When South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol, frustrated by opposition lawmakers blocking his agenda, abruptly declared martial law on December 3, protests immediately erupted in the streets and the National Assembly. In the face of overwhelming resistance, including from members of his own party, Yoon backed down. One can only hope that a similar move by Trump would elicit the same response.
The United States is still far from being an autocracy. But Trump is already being treated by some people as a fearsome monarch rather than an elected president. Amazon founder and Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos is one of the most powerful men in the country, if not the world. But he stopped his newspaper’s editors from endorsing Kamala Harris for president. TV host Joe Scarborough, after excoriating Trump as a fascist for years on his MSNBC program, rushed to Florida to grovel to the president-elect soon after his victory.
Within the Republican Party, warnings about Trump’s menace have given way to opportunism. Senator Marco Rubio, who once called Trump a “conman,” is his pick for Secretary of State, while J.D. Vance, who privately compared Trump to Adolf Hitler, will be his vice president. Such behavior is not surprising. Ambition can easily overcome political and moral scruples. Much depends on whether enough Republicans take a more principled stand.
Another way to respond to a corrupt and vengeful president is to indulge in what some people living in Nazi Germany called “internal emigration”: keeping one’s head down in the hope of staying out of trouble. Trump’s election has left many Americans feeling exhausted and disillusioned. Compared to 2016, there appears to be less appetite for opposition. Many people I know no longer want to read or listen to the news.
Retreating from the public square to one’s private garden might be tempting, but America’s still-vibrant civil society would suffer as a result. As a journalist formerly based in Russia pointed out in the New York Times, Russians under President Vladimir Putin, like Germans under the Third Reich, quickly realized that they might choose to turn away from politics, but politics would not turn away from them.
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At a time when democracy is under threat, there is an urgent need for incisive, informed analysis of the issues and questions driving the news – just what PS has always provided. Subscribe now and save $50 on a new subscription.
Subscribe Now
It would be a grave mistake for Americans to behave as though they already live in an autocracy. Dissidents in real autocracies have often done the opposite. Václav Havel, the playwright and political dissident who later became president, risked everything to resist Czechoslovakia’s communist regime and was imprisoned multiple times. He and other dissidents insisted that they should behave like free people, even in an unfree society. Havel called this “living in truth,” a refusal to submit to the dictatorship’s lies.
Trump is particularly hostile to the press (“enemies of the people”) and liberal colleges and universities precisely because of their capacity to expose his chronic and often toxic mendacity. He has threatened to shut down unsympathetic broadcasters, jail critical journalists, and fine universities that he considers “woke.” Given the term’s vagueness, almost any educational institution could become a target.
The reactions within American universities and newsrooms are hard to predict. Fear of reprisal might prompt professors, editors, journalists, and university administrators to censor themselves, rather than insisting on “living in truth.” On the other hand, some opponents of Trump in universities and other elite cultural institutions might, out of sheer frustration and rage, double down on everything that he and his supporters hate, becoming even more ideological in terms of race, sexuality, and gender.
Both of these reactions will play into Trump’s hands. Self-censorship and fear of public outcry will mean less pushback against his lies. And ideological zealotry will reinforce the idea among right-wing populists that they are correct to engage in a culture war – one which they are bound to win in the current political climate. After all, there are more conservatives than left-wing radicals in the US, and identity politics is not popular outside big cities and college towns.
The best way for liberals in the media and higher education to respond to the threat of authoritarian politics is to stop all ideological posturing and concentrate on the pursuit of truth through open debate, academic freedom, and honest, unbiased reporting. This is what intellectuals should be doing anyway.
The worst thing about Trump, and other populists drawn to authoritarian rule, is not their lies. All politicians lie to some extent. More dangerous is the notion that truth doesn’t matter. If we accept that every claim to the truth is arbitrary and partisan – a view bolstered by the rise of the internet and social media – it becomes easier for an authoritarian leader to impose his version of the truth on us. And that way democracy will surely wither.