The sudden collapse of Silicon Valley Bank was met by an equally swift response from US regulators. But the crisis is far from over, and the nature of the authorities’ response introduces problems of its own.
considers the risk that other banks will experience liquidity problems as interest rates continue to rise.
The emerging breed of industrial policies, which emphasize production, fair wages, and localism, could serve as the basis for post-neoliberal economies. But to tackle the challenges of the twenty-first century and ensure a sustainable future, we need a policy framework that recognizes the value of human connection.
make the case for an economic strategy that prioritizes shared prosperity over competition.
发自剑桥—当一个新经济范式真正确立时,甚至其所谓反对者也会开始通过它的视角来看待世界。鼎盛时期的凯恩斯主义福利国家理念就得到了保守派和左派政治家的同等支持,比如美国共和党总统德怀特·艾森豪威尔(Dwight Eisenhower)和理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)都全盘接受了该范式的诸多基本原则——受监管的市场、再分配、社会保障和逆周期宏观经济政策——并努力扩大社会福利项目,强化工作场所和环境监管。
新自由主义的情况也是如此,其推动力来自于多位经济学家和政治家:如米尔顿·弗里德曼(Milton Friedman)、罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)和玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)——以上几位都是市场狂热派。但这种模式的最终主导地位在很大程度上来自于比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)和托尼·布莱尔(Tony Blair)这类中左翼领导人——他们已经将该主义的亲市场议程内化到自身了,不但推动放松管制、金融化和超全球化,还口口声声说要改善随之增加的不平等和经济不安全感。
如今我们正处于摆脱新自由主义的过渡期,但却非常不确定什么将取而代之。缺乏一个稳固的新范式并不一定是坏事。我们不需要另一种正统理念去为众多具备不同状况和需求的国家和地区提供整齐划一的解决方案和事先制定的蓝图。
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